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Only English ^^


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hey guys,

i have a question.

My english is not very well. Thats why i ask.

I want a tattoo. A few words. "verloren im Schicksal"

Does it mean in english "lost in fate" or "lost in destiny"?

fate and destiny is both "Schicksal", but what is the right choice of words?

I'll givin' you an advice:

Take the word, you like most, 'cause in the english language are much more words which mean "Schicksal" like:

doom, fortune (you know it from Uncharted, don't you? ^^), lot, luck and kismet/kismat.

Doom might mean "dunkles Schicksal", but also "Schicksal"

Fate is used in different meanings like 'merciful fate' ("gnädiges Schicksal") 'cruel fate' ("grausames Schicksal") and 'adverse fate' ("widriges Schicksal").

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Let me tell you something about my favourit book. "Candy" by Kevin Brooks

Candy, the character, has none. A heroin-addicted prostitute, utterly dependent on the terrifying pimp who supplies her drugs, she totters into toilets for regular fixes. She is beautiful, bright and sparky, but wrecked. Joe, the main character in the book, falls crazily in love with her, and love removes any control he might have had, hooking him into the ugly detritus of a drug-addict's world.

Mind you, Joe had little control over his life before, and he constantly feels propelled by circumstances. In classical tragedy, a weakness in the central character inexorably drives the cartwheel of doom. In Candy, things are driven partly by events, or by forces stronger than Joe or Candy. Unusually for teenage fiction, the main events are also driven by adults, making the powerlessness of the teenagers even more stark.

Joe does have a weakness - a habit of hyper-self-conscious dithering, very cleverly portrayed. He worries on the micro-level and lets the macro drive itself, knowing he can't control it. But those small things - boy, does he worry about them! Linking arms with Candy, what should he do with his other arm: "Should I stick my elbow out? Should I hold her arm? Should I put my hand in my pocket?" As a lesson in using small details to paint character, it's perfect.

It's a first-person narrative, which means that Joe's is the only character we truly come to know; the others are seen through his eyes, and therefore not completely. Thus Iggy, the pimp, becomes a creature without redeeming features. We can't know what Candy really feels, only how she seems to feel, though we like her almost as much as Joe does, because Joe does.

But Joe's character is worth spending time with. He is intriguingly different, and his introspection allows us unusually deep into his mind. I initially doubted if a 15-year-old boy would ruffle his 20-year-old sister's hair and refer to her as "a beautiful young woman who meant everything to me", but Joe's exceptional decency eventually persuaded me that he might. After all, Joe says that although his father is "bigoted and blind and stupid", he "couldn't hold that against him". I would have done, but Joe, being exceptionally decent, couldn't.

Brooks's use of language is adept. He is a wordsmith as well as a storyteller: Iggy has "passionless eyes", which have a "sterile light"; Joe's heightened senses after a particularly shocking scene are perfectly depicted by the quiet intensity of "the darkness shifting in the rustle of the shadows" and "the cold night air ... misted with the smells of the city". Exactly the right amount of controlled description floats a powerful plot to a more vivid, multisensory dimension.

As an anti-drug parable, it is unambiguous. Candy's awareness of her state is terrible to see, and the glimpses of her life with Iggy are some of the most shocking scenes imaginable. Good novelists, however, do not set out to write teaching materials and Brooks is undoubtedly a good novelist. Look at these characters, he says: enter their heads, live their lives for a few hours and ask yourself what you would have done. Are you stronger than love, passion, drugs, fear and brutality? You don't know whom you will fall for or what events will overtake you. How much control will you have then? Some words of warning: Candy may hook you too... ;)

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Tl;dr :dozey:

No, just kidding ;)

I read the whole text but I definitely won't read the book :tongue3:

Not because I wouldn't like to. The main reason is, that my books here staple at least as high as my unplayed games :xd::'>

And in both cases it is absolutely possible not completing them in a year ("or so") *

* to use Rockstars words ^^

Yeah, sure... :dozey:

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It's time to put an end to the subterfuge and insanity. It is time for a judicious political process and for cooperation in the Ukraine crisis.

The scenes of the past week couldn't have been more contradictory. A civil war is raging in eastern Ukraine, yet Gerhard Schröder met with Vladimir Putin for a night out to celebrate the former German chancellor's 70th birthday. At the same time, German soldiers, part of the OSCE monitoring mission in Ukraine, were being held hostage by a self-appointed "people's governor." Schröder's gesture struck many as obscene and it is certainly not the correct way to deal with a man who is threatening peace in Europe. Dialogue, yes. But that kind of open embrace is unacceptable. But what should such a dialogue focus on? And which steps would be the most reasonable to take? To embark on such a path, Germany and the West must adopt a unified posture, a common goal and a roadmap for achieving it.

There are two fundamental aspects that must define Germany's position in the Ukraine crisis: There should be no war and no equidistance, but rather a clear affiliation with the Western alliance.

Other Options

On the issue of Ukraine, an asymmetrical resolve is currently prevailing. Vladimir Putin is prepared to deploy his military, but the West, correctly, is not. German and other NATO soldiers shouldn't be asked to die for Ukraine. That is an advantage for Putin; he knows that no one will try to stop him militarily. The West must accept this, for it also has other options at its disposal.

Many Germans have indulged Russia thus far. It seemed as though a Cold War desire for equidistance had returned in recent weeks, the yearning for a neutral position between the West and the East. With all due respect for Russia and its interests, however, Germany belongs to the West, to the other democracies -- even if the positions of the United States are sometimes difficult for Germans to swallow. Our security and sense of political and cultural belonging comes exclusively through our ties with our partners in NATO and the European Union. A German Sonderweg, or special path, would be tantamount to surrendering to Russia, just as Schröder surrendered himself and now appears to be Putin's puppet.

In terms of the goal in Ukraine: Peace must trump unity and unity must be decided by the majority in each region. It would be good if the Ukrainians remained one cohesive country because that would offer them the best prospects for prosperity. But if the people in the eastern part of the country determine they absolutely want to declare their independence or become part of Russia, they should also be given the possibility to do so. If a majority determines it wants to remain part of Ukraine, then everything possible must be done to ensure that the country remains intact. The people shouldn't be forced into a hurried vote under pressure as happened in Crimea. It should be done in an orderly manner.

The path to that end begins with trust. The West loses nothing by making it clear that Ukraine will not become a member of NATO or the EU in the foreseeable future. Such a pledge would assuage Russian fears of the two alliances moving even closer to Russian territory and would stabilize their sense of security.

One More Chance

It is imperative that the forces driving the current madness be contained. The first step must be a cease-fire observed and enforced by both sides. Both the ultra-nationalist militias in western Ukraine and the separatists in the east must be disarmed and reined in. This is already called for in the Geneva agreement and needs finally to be fulfilled. The second step is a referendum in eastern Ukraine under the oversight by the international community. If separatism prevails, then the West will have to live with it. If unity prevails, then Russia must accept it.

There are two dates right now that are disrupting that path. Ukrainians in the eastern part of the country want to vote on secession on May 11. The government in Kiev wants to hold elections across the entire country on May 25. It is too early for either of these votes to take place. Ukraine needs time and repose before balloting can begin; intimidated voters cannot make their decision freely. An additional three months would be appropriate. Disarmament and peace must come first, then the referendum and then elections. Putin needs to know that the West is prepared to give him one more chance -- this one. Thus far, he has feinted, lied, provoked and violated international law. The West, too, has made mistakes. But it is now time to start with a clean slate. It is time for the spirit of cooperation to prevail on both sides -- and the will for peace.

If Putin doesn't fulfill his obligations, if he torpedoes the process, tough economic sanctions must follow immediately. They will be painful to Russia, but also to Germany and its partners. Complaints, though, should be ignored. Political order on the Continent and the containment of an aggressor must take precedence over gross national product.

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